This oral history project was conducted by Graeme Naylor as an independent study project (Registration number 200003190). It involved interviewing victims of asbestos-related disease and their families, as well as a consultant surgeon at Inverclyde Royal Infirmary.University of Strathclyde | Scottish Oral History Centre
27 interviews with sufferers from asbestos-related disease and/or members of their families. Sound recordings and transcripts (17), transcript only (10), or sound only (1). Also questionnaires.
Anonymity was assured to all project participants. Only Owen and Margaret Lilley (SOHC 4/14) opted out.
One recording had been mistakenly aggregated with this oral history project but was found not to relate to asbestos. As a result , there is no interview with the reference number SOHC 4/12.McIvor, Arthur J., b. 1956, social historian
Eight interviews conducted by David Walker in pursuit of his doctoral research on ‘Occupational health and safety in the British chemical industry, 1914-1974’ (PhD thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2007: http://strathprints.strath.ac.uk/6429).
The oral history project was designed to capture the human experience of working within the British chemical industry. The desired outcome was to find respondents with a range of job descriptions that had worked in different types of plant. Although comparatively small, the cohort interviewed represents a good coverage of the industry in that the plastic, chromate, explosive and fertiliser sectors are all represented.
In total, nine respondents were interviewed with one, Richard Fitzpatrick, being interviewed twice (Mr Fitzpatrick was 87 years old at the time and grew visibly tired during the first interview). Three respondents from Cheshire (who were related to one another) were interviewed as a group. Normally interviews were conducted on a one-to-one basis in the homes of the respondents although wives and other family members were also present in all cases, with the exception of one of the anonymous respondents from Dumfries who was alone.
The average age of those interviewed was 71, with birth dates ranging from 1917 to 1945. The employment histories of the respondents ranged from the late 1930s to the late 1970s.
All those interviewed were asked standard questions at the outset such as the respondent’s name, date of birth, where they were born, if they had brothers or sisters, if they had children, at what age did they leave school and what was their first job. Thereafter, in a relatively unstructured manner questions were asked of the respondents about the experiences they had in connection with the chemical industry.
With the exception of one former manager of a chemical plant all the respondents had worked as process workers or were related to family members who also worked as process workers. Why no former directors or technologists came forward to participate in this study cannot be explained by reference to the design of the recruitment material. One reason that may explain the general problem in recruiting respondents was made by two former process workers from Dumfries who admitted that their former colleagues had seen the recruitment article published in the local press but had refused to make contact because they were fearful that Imperial Chemical Industries (ICI) would stop their pension if they talked to an outsider. Although ICI would not take such a step it is nonetheless interesting that former employees of the firm offered this as the reason for not sharing their memories.Walker, David, b. 1956, historian
Oral history project "Coal miners and dust-related disease" aimed to reconstruct the story of the human tragedy of coal miners' respiratory disease. It sought to "write the history of 'black spit' from its early discovery by Scottish physicians in the 19th century, through to the official recognition of coal workers' pneumoconiosis in 1942 and on to the campaigns to recognise bronchitis and emphysima as industrial diseases in the second half of the twentieth century that culminated in the landmark legal judgement in January 1998".
Of a reported number of 52 interviews undertaken, 27 survive as sound recording and transcript (14) or transcript only (13).University of Strathclyde | Scottish Oral History Centre
Recording and transcript of unidentified male interviewer (possibly Neil Rafeek) in conversation with Cordelia Oliver, Glasgow, 3 May 2005.Oliver, Cordelia, 1923-2009, journalist, painter and art critic
Recording of David Walker, of the Scottish Oral History Centre, in conversation with David McLetchie MSP in 2013. The interview was conducted at David McLetchie's office at the Scottish Parliament, Edinburgh.
This interview was originally intended to be the first of a series of interviews carried out by the Scottish Oral History Centre with the first cohort of MSPs. However, due to David McLetchie's poor health, this interview was undertaken ahead of the planned project. Conducted about two months before his death from cancer at the age of 61, this interview is one of the last interviews which McLetchie gave. Because of time pressures, the interview is approximately 25 mins in length. The larger project with the rest of the cohort of MSPs was never undertaken.
The interview covers McLetchie's entire life, orientated primarily towards his life in politics.
The interview covers the following topics:
- Family background
- School education
- Political involvement at Edinburgh University
- Career in law
- Conservative Party involvement, including Young Conservatives, and party conferences
- Standing for election as an MP in 1979
- Selection process for becoming an MSP in 1999
- Becoming leader of the Scottish Conservative Party in 1999
- Running the Conservative 1999 election campaign for the Scottish Parliament
- Life as a constituency MSP and as a 'list' MSP
- View on 'consensus' politics of the Scottish Parliament
- Press coverage of the Scottish Parliament
Unidentified female interviewer in conversation with sports illustrator and social worker Jim Scullion of Coatbridge. The interview focuses on football, particularly the interviewee's support for Celtic Football Club.
- sound recording (0h 52m 48s)
[00:00:47] Describes going to first football match; tells story of sneaking into Cliftonhill ground and being chased by police.
[00:02.21] Talks about who he went to games with.
[00:03:12] Talks about different areas of Celtic Park from which he watched games.
[00:03:47] Describes how he began to support Celtic as a child.
[00:05:03] Talks about family members’ support for Celtic.
[00:06:10] Talks about how he supported Celtic because his male relatives did; describes attending his first Celtic game; tells story of not realising it had started as there was no radio commentary by David Francey.
[00:07:18] Talks about how he now attends games with his children.
[00:07:26] Talks about female family members’ attitudes to football.
[00:08:12] Talks about whether it is acceptable for women to attend matches; describes bad language and behaviour at matches; remarks that he did not notice females attending when he was young, but saw families once he moved into the stand.
[00:10:29] Talks about facilities for men and women at football grounds in 1980s and 1990s.
[00:11:44] Talks about Celtic Football Club’s importance to him.
[00:12:38] Talks about the players’ importance to him.
[00:13:47] Describes his admiration for player Danny McGrain; mentions Kenny Dalglish and Billy McNeill.
[00:14:31] Talks about whether today’s players deserve high salaries.
[00:15:39] Mentions he is not a member of a supporters’ club.
[00:15:44] Describes when and why he became a season ticket holder.
[00:17:21] Talks about annual cost (season tickets, strips, videos) for himself and sons to support Celtic.
[00:18:04] Describes attitude to this cost.
[00:19:35] Talks about why he is not a Celtic shareholder.
[00:20:50] Describes pre- and post-match rituals when he was a child; tells story of arriving after kick-off because father and brother spent too long in pub; mentions getting Times and Citizen with pictures of players inside and being lifted over turnstile.
[00:22:34] Describes pre- and post-match rituals for himself and sons now; mentions difficulty of parking and exiting car park after matches.
[00:23:43] Talks about food eaten on match day.
[00:24:10] Talks about clothing worn to games; describes tradition of not entering ground until he sees someone he knows, otherwise team will lose.
[00:25:17] Talks about putting off family events to attend football and tells story of pregnant wife accompanying him to game when two weeks overdue.
[00:26:44] Describes atmosphere of Celtic Park when he was a child; mentions merchandise sold outside, including pictures of President Kennedy and (player) Johnny Thomson; describes supporters’ singing before, during and after match.
[00:27:50] Describes how atmosphere differs now; mentions that singing used to be deafening every week.
[00:29:37] Talks about routine of coming into ground with sons.
[00:29:51] Talks about team huddle being most special moment of the game, and final whistle the most hated moment.
[00:30:39] Detailed description of attending Celtic v. Albion Rovers at Cliftonhill, just after Celtic won European Cup in 1967; tells story of getting Lisbon Lions’ autographs and meeting Jock Stein and Jimmy Johnstone.
[00:33:39] Talks about how importance of supporting Celtic has increased for him over time.
[00:33:56] Talks about whether his support for Celtic causes arguments with friends, family and strangers.
[00:34:47] Describes how attending football with sons has enhanced his relationship with them.
[00:35:54] Describes attitude to fellow Celtic supporters; mentions his annoyance at abuse given to Rangers player, Dave McPherson.
[00:37:12] Remarks that he has friends who are Rangers supporters or ex-Rangers players.
[00:37:52] Talks about Celtic’s 1967 European Cup win; describes family events on that day, watching game on television and celebrations afterwards.
[00:40:03] Talks about Celtic’s 1979 league win on last day of season.
[00:40:38] Talks about Celtic’s 1985 league win at last game of season against St Mirren.
[00:41:37] Talks about winning domestic double in Celtic’s centenary year and mentions Roy Aitken.
[00:42:29] Talks about importance of winning 1997-1998 league cup and championship and preventing Rangers from winning 10 league championships in a row.
[00:43:41] Talks about a game in November 1998 when Celtic beat Rangers 5-1; mentions another game where Celtic beat Rangers 7-1.
[00:46:31] Talks about what he sees as Celtic’s greatest achievement.
[00:46:46] Recording ends.
[00:03:59] Interview resumes. Talks about it not really mattering if Celtic win or lose and how Albion Rovers fans are probably better football supporters.
[00:04:37] Describes his inability to support another club, even if Celtic were relegated.
[00:05:39] Sums up what Celtic means to him.
[00:06:15] Interview ends.
A series of interviews with former employees at the motor manufacturing complex at Linwood, Renfrewshire, 20km west of Glasgow, Scotland.
Manufacturing activity first started at Linwood during WWII, under the government's shadow factory scheme, specialising in steel processing and gun barrels, managed by the Glasgow engineering company Beardmore's. After the war, the Pressed Steel company began to manufacture railway carriages, tractors, and body parts for cars and trucks. In the early 1960s, after government pressure, the Rootes car group built a new factory at the site, commencing the full-scale production of new motor-car models, including the Hillman Imp and the Avenger, massively expanding the Linwood site. The Linwood site was taken over by the American Chrysler corporation in 1967, and was again taken over by the French company Peugeot-Citroen in 1979. Following a prolonged period of financial difficulties and industrial unrest, the Linwood plant was closed by Peugeot in 1981. During its operation, Linwood was the only full-scale motor-car production facility in Scotland, employing 8,500 workers at its peak, one of the largest single manufacturing sites in Scotland. The former factory has now been demolished.
This project was a research project undertaken by Clifford Lockyer, an economist based at the University of Strathclyde, in the early 1980s. Lockyer had previously worked at the Linwood car factory, and in his own words, "sought to record the life of the Linwood factory from shadow war factory to closure".
The interviews cover the life-span of the entire plant, including a few workers who worked at the site during WWII. The evolving nature of the site, describing the varied work of the 1950s, is featured, including the production of car parts for Vauxhall, Ford, Rolls Royce, as well as the production of railway carriages, mostly for export, with India a main destination. The most significant development at the plant - the sudden move into full-scale car production in the early 1960s, and the resulting dramatic transformation of the site - is also strongly represented in the material (this expansion is often referred to in the material as a difference between the "south site" and the "north site"). Finally, the tumultuous years of the 1970s are also featured, including the events leading up to the plant's closure in 1981. Interviews cover a wide range of jobs roles at the plant, including operators, foremen, management, and trade union officials. A key division of labour at the site was between those operators in the "tool shops", and those who worked on the car assembly line "track", and both sets of workers are represented.
The overall flow of the interviews centres around the topic of industrial relations, which was Lockyer's specialist research area. Management policies, and their effects, as well as the changes in ownership are discussed by many interviewees. Management relationships with the shopfloor are frequently mentioned. Trade union activity at the plant is heavily featured in the interviews, and some interviewees describe their roles as shop stewards. Various industrial disputes and their consequences are also relayed in detail, including the trajectory toward plant closure. A large number of different trade unions operated at Linwood, and some workers describe the interrelationships and tensions between them, as well as the organisational structures and main personalities of each union group. Many workers also discuss their own attitudes and interactions with trade unions.
The Linwood plant was largely non-unionised in the 1950s, which some workers discuss, including its impact on working life. A strike in 1948, which led to the banishment of unions, is touched upon by a few interviewees. The unionisation process of the late 1950s, resulting in the comprehensive unionisation of the entire workforce, is featured in the material, including the impact on working conditions and management relations.
The working conditions of the workplace and the everyday routines of a car factory are highlighted. Interviewees discuss their own daily routines and the organisation of their particular work section. Some interviews go into detail about payment arrangements, including the "piece" system, and bonuses. The introduction of a nightshift in the 1960s is also mentioned. Health and safety risks are very occasionally alluded to. Workers discuss their own attitudes towards their job, their frustrations and motivations, and how this changes over time. The interviews feature discussion on day-to-day problems and difficulties at the site, commenting on production and design problems, as well as quality control.
Since many interviewees worked at the Linwood plant for many years, interviewees often comment on the rise and fall of the Linwood plant over time, making allusions to the wider economic and business climate. Interviewees chart the dynamics of changing workforce morale, changing work practices and changing management attitudes over time, and try to pinpoint "where it all went wrong", reflecting on reasons for the gradual demise of the Linwood plant and the motor industry in Scotland.
Finally, a handful of interviews feature the topic of women in the Linwood workforce. Women were typically employed in a few roles at the site, but changes to this configuration are also mentioned. One interviewee discusses how many women labourers were employed at the site during WWII, undertaking roles vacated by men. Another interview discusses how - in the late 1970s - women were employed in significant numbers in jobs which previously were exclusively performed by men, including on the car assembly line "track". At least one interviewee is a former female worker, who reflects on the lack of union representation among female workers.Lockyer, Clifford, b. 1946, economist
Oral history project, conducted in 2009 by David Walker of the Scottish Oral History Centre at the University of Strathclyde on behalf of Glasgow Museums, interviewing those who had earned their living working at Glasgow’s docks. A total of 17 men were selected as suitable for the project but in the end only 12 participated, with some becoming ill and others unavailable for interview. Although a smaller cohort was used than originally intended it did provide a representative sample of workers with experience of most of the docks that operated along the Upper Clyde at Glasgow and its environs. The group also had experience of many of the jobs undertaken such as electrician, plan maker and superintendent stevedore, plater, winch operator, checker, and crane driver. One additional respondent was interviewed who had never worked at the docks but had lived at Shiels Farm and had witnessed the opening of the still operational King George V dock in 1931. The average age of those interviewed was 72 with birth dates ranging from 1926 to 1947. All of the interviews were conducted at the respondent’s home with one exception which was conducted at the Scottish Oral History Centre.
The interviews were semi-structured in style which allowed the respondents to talk beyond their working lives. Hence the testimonies provide evidence of the daily work and conditions in which their working lives were undertaken but they also touch on other aspects of their lives, including family relationships, early job opportunities and trade union activities. The respondents were not only generous in donating their memories but also in providing photographic images which help illustrate the people interviewed, the types of ships that they worked on, buildings now demolished, and tasks undertaken such as handling large steel slabs, grain, coal or scrap iron. Although each interview was conducted separately there was some overlap in the recollections mainly due to the fact that many of the men knew each other as workmates and inevitably they were exposed to similar events in their careers.University of Strathclyde | Scottish Oral History Centre
Recording of Arthur McIvor in conversation with Phyllis Craig, Chair of Clydeside Action on Asbestos, 28 January 2018. Phyllis Craig describes her work at the charity where she started on 2 October 1995.
[00:25] Summarises main life events.
[01:14] Describes voluntary work at Castlemilk law centre and the poverty she observed.
[01:43] Describes starting work at Clydeside Action on Asbestos.
[02.44] Discusses the occupations of her parents and her relationship with them.
[05:10] Describes roles at Clydeside Action on Asbestos.
[06:04] Tells story of a particular appeal and the treatment of a client.
[07:28] Returns to description of activity of Clydeside Action on Asbestos.
[07:53] Mentions the case of ‘Fairchild, Matthew and Fox’ and describes other asbestosis cases.
[10:58] Describes the wide variety of other Clydeside Action on Asbestos activities, such as fundraising and communications.
[11:56] Describes how the job has changed over the years.
[13:17] Describes how the resources and funding have improved since the early years of the charity.
[13:54] Describes the psychological effects of a mesothelioma diagnosis.
[16:12] Describes the experiences of those living with mesothelioma.
[18:59] Describes the physical and mental effects of mesothelioma.
[20:20] Talks about the limitations of new government disability legislation and its relation to the mental health of sufferers.
[22:15] Mentions the economic schemes that were available to help sufferers and remarks upon the likely negative effects of recent government legislation.
[23:06] Describes the rise of diagnoses of mesothelioma in women, explores the reasons, and talks about the different experiences of the disease for men and women.
[25:45] Describes the difficulties of competing with other charities for funding for example charities that work with victims of post-traumatic stress.
[27:07] Tells the story of a particular mesothelioma case pertaining to a male client who was a Glasgow joiner.
[30:11] Tells the story of two mesothelioma cases pertaining to women, one client from Falkirk who struggled to get a diagnosis and a former GP who works in the charity office. Phyllis comments on the different reactions of men and women to a diagnosis of mesothelioma.
[32:46] States that mesothelioma is still incurable and describes the general life expectancy of sufferers.
[34:47] Describes the dramatic changes in medical interest and treatments for mesothelioma since 1995. Also discusses surgery and the importance of palliative care.
[38:55] Describes the differences between Scotland and England in terms of legislation and compensation. Also describes the tenacity required to campaign for justice.
[42:30] Describes the reasons why legislative situation has evolved further, to the benefit of victims, in Scotland than in England.
[46:11] Discusses how the establishment of the Scottish Parliament has benefited the experience of victims in Scotland and how Scotland’s asbestos legislation compares globally.
[47:43] Describes the current campaigns and activity of Clydeside Action on Asbestos.
[50:59] Closing remarks upon the importance of the recognition of other asbestos related lung cancers in addition to mesothelioma, in terms of legislation and support.
[52:53] Describes inaccuracies in predictions for when the peak of asbestos-related deaths will be seen.
Conversations between Neil Rafeek and two men who spent their working lives as laggers in the Clydeside heavy industries. Topics covered include childhood and growing up in Glasgow, the Clydebank blitz, housing, domestic life, social life, football, sectarianism, gang culture, National Service, working conditions, trade unions, health and safety, asbestos.
Includes notes and draft publications relating to a project about the working culture and notions of masculinity in Clydeside heavy industries.University of Strathclyde | Scottish Oral History Centre
Oral history project conducted in 2016 by Rory Stride as research for his undergraduate history dissertation, ‘“Proud to be a Clyde shipbuilder. Clyde built”: The changing work identity of Govan’s shipbuilders, c.1960-present.’ The collection comprises interviews with seven men who were employed as shipbuilders between c.1960 and 2016 at Govan’s three shipyards: Alexander Stephen and Sons, Fairfield’s, and Harland and Wolff. The interviews were conducted in a variety of places across Glasgow. The interview questions were semi-structured and largely directed by the responses of the participants. Topics discussed include trade unions, working conditions, occupational injury, masculinity, politics, staff camaraderie, redundancy and periods of employment at different companies. There is a focus throughout the interviews on indicators and expression of masculine identity including alcohol consumption, paid employment and macho attitudes in the yards. The interviews also cover the workers' interactions with the trade union movement, focusing on their experiences of strike action. In addition, some of the key episodes in the Clyde’s shipbuilding history during the twentieth century are covered including: the closure of Harland and Wolff; the closure of Alexander Stephen and Sons; the Norwegian company Kvaerner’s takeover of the Fairfield yard from British Shipbuilders in 1988 and the withdrawal of Kvaerner from Govan in 1999 which threatened the existence of shipbuilding on the Clyde heading in to the twenty-first century.Stride, Rory, fl. 2016, student at University of Strathclyde
Oral history project, conducted in May - September 2018 by Rory Stride, with women formerly employed at James Templeton & Co., carpet manufacturers, between c. 1960 and 1981. A total of six women were interviewed. The interviews last approximately between 45 minutes and 1 hour 15 minutes and were conducted at a variety of places across Scotland. The interview questions were semi-structured and largely directed by the responses of the participants.
The interviews focus on the women’s working lives and their first experiences of employment after secondary school but specifically exploring their experience of work at James Templeton & Co., the preeminent carpet manufacturers in Glasgow during the 1960s and 1970s. The company had seven factories, located in the east end and southside of Glasgow with the company’s Crown Street factory being the last to close in early 1981 when Templeton Carpets amalgamated with Stoddard Carpets. Topics discussed include trade unions, working conditions, gender divisions in labour, staff camaraderie, management and staff relationships, and periods of redundancy, unemployment and re-employment after leaving James Templeton & Co. The interviews also cover the women's feelings and opinions regarding the gentrification and redevelopment of the former headquarters and factory of James Templeton & Co. located at Templeton Street on the north eastern edge of Glasgow Green.University of Strathclyde | Scottish Oral History Centre
The Scottish Oral History Centre Archive is an extensive collection of oral history recordings focussing on the history of work, occupational health and the social impact of de-industrialisation. Most of the recordings originate from projects carried out by Scottish Oral History Centre staff and students but there are also large collections of interviews originating from other organisations, for example Glasgow Museums and the Scottish Working People’s History Trust.University of Strathclyde | Scottish Oral History Centre
Conversations between members of Glasgow Labour History Workshop and former Singer employees, discussing working conditions and the strike at the Singer sewing machine plant in Clydebank, Scotland, March / April 1911.
Clydeside industrialists began to introduce scientific management practices in 1910. The Singer sewing machine plant in Clydebank became the site of the first explicit confrontation between capital and labour in Scotland resulting from the ensuing reorganisation of work processes. Within two days of twelve female cabinet polishers going on strike, the Singer works became paralysed as the majority of the 11,000 workforce joined in.University of Strathclyde | Scottish Oral History Centre